Cafe de Flore, 24 dec. 2015

Cafe de Flore, Quand les Femmes se disent

خسارة ان العرب في فراسا لا يعرفون احمد بي بللا و اقوالهو و لا افلن ريد وكتابه الذي ترجم  الى العربية في المنادل وقت Jeunesse Communiste Revolutionaire كان يأيد الثورة ال كوبية بي 1975

Photo du Palais de Justice, et la Sainte Chapelle ou j’étais le 23 decembre

Shati Tea and Falafel Gaza (Hofstadter)

Voila qu'il a fallu 13 Nov. et San Bernardino pour que Charlie Hebdo nous fasse se souvenir de ce horroble bouquin "d'histoire"qu'etait Hofsadter.

Ground Operations, MacNamara Airport, Detroit coffee machines

While the Nespresso Coffee Machines seem to have taken over the world, here in Detroit, it is important to remember that the defense of working people being scapegoated is of primary importance. Hence we publish here from the Militant released yesterday.

Pendant que les machines a Cafe Nespresso semble avoir conquis tout le monde, ici a Detroit, il est important de se souvenir que la defense de femmes et hommes travaillants qui sont ciblee par l'opinion publique est d'importance primaire. Ainsi, nous reproduisons ici du Militant d'hier.

Année 79, no 44      le 7 décembre 2015


Réunion publique à New York : « Joignez-vous à la lutte contre l’offensive guerrière des États-Unis »

MAGGIE TROWE

NEW YORK — Le Parti socialiste des travailleurs mène une campagne communiste contre l’impérialisme et la guerre, a déclaré l’organisateur du SWP à New York, Norton Sandler, au cours d’une réunion publique spéciale qui s’est tenue le 21 novembre dans le nouveau local du parti. La réunion a eu lieu dans la foulée de l’escalade militaire au Moyen-Orient des dirigeants impérialistes à Washington, Paris et ailleurs, étroitement liée aux attaques contre les travailleurs et les droits politiques dans le pays.
« Les communistes font campagne contre l’offensive guerrière des États-Unis : Dénonçons l’espionnage des musulmans et des mosquées par les flics, » pouvait-on lire sur la banderole située derrière les orateurs. Ce cours vise à combattre les tentatives des dirigeants capitalistes d’utiliser les agressions terroristes réactionnaires de l’État islamique en France pour attaquer la classe ouvrière. Plus de 90 personnes ont assisté à la réunion.

« Salam-Aleikum, a dit Norton Sandler. C’est ce que le secrétaire national du SWP, Jack Barnes, a dit lors d’une grande réunion organisée par le parti peu après les attentats d’Al-Qaïda contre le World Trade Center et le Pentagone le 11 septembre 2001. »

Comme c’était le cas à l’époque, les attaques des dirigeants contre notre classe visent aujourd’hui principalement la section de la classe ouvrière qui est musulmane et arabe, a dit Norton Sandler. « Les communistes savent que les droits de la classe ouvrière sont toujours un enjeu lorsque les dirigeants capitalistes partent en guerre. »

Et l’offensive guerrière s’accélère à Washington, à Paris et dans d’autres capitales impérialistes, a dit Norton Sandler.

Vous voyez plus de soldats et de policiers dans les gares comme Penn Station et Grand Central Station, a-t-il dit. Et l’administration de Bill de Blasio à New York a ajouté 560 policiers antiterroristes de renseignement à un effectif qui est déjà supérieur à celui de la plupart des autres pays.

« Le Parti socialiste des travailleurs à New York a l’intention de visiter des mosquées et des quartiers musulmans, connaître les gens et leur apporter notre soutien, a-t-il dit sous les applaudissements. J’invite tous ceux qui voudraient se joindre à nous, à venir me voir et s’inscrire.

« Après le 11 septembre, nous avons discuté de comment les dirigeants et leur gouvernement veulent donner l’impression que la population aux États-Unis est composée d’un « nous » sans contenu de classe, a-t-il dit. La même chose est en train de se développer aux lendemains de l’attaque meurtrière à Paris. »

Le parlement français a voté massivement en faveur de l’imposition et de l’élargissement d’un état d’urgence de grande envergure qui donne de plus grands pouvoirs aux flics et étouffe les droits politiques, a dit Norton Sandler. Des centaines de descentes policières ont eu lieu en France, sans aucun mandat. Le gouvernement capitaliste français veut renforcer les dispositions légales anti-ouvrières adoptées au cours du combat meurtrier, mais raté, que l’impérialisme français a mené contre la lutte de libération algérienne dans les années 1950 et 1960. Elles permettent de mettre en œuvre des mesures de grande ampleur pour espionner et retirer la citoyenneté à ceux que le gouvernement désigne comme terroristes.

Au cours de la réunion, des débats ont porté sur plusieurs questions. Une participante a dit qu’à son avis le groupe terroriste et réactionnaire État islamique prenait de l’ampleur et a demandé quel pouvait être son attrait pour les jeunes et les travailleurs.

L’État islamique attire peu de jeunes
« Je ne pense pas qu’ils en attirent beaucoup, » a dit Jack Barnes, parlant de la salle. « Il y a des millions et des millions de Musulmans et d’Arabes en France. Seul un nombre infime est attiré par l’État islamique. Allez vendre le Militant dans les mosquées et les quartiers alentours. Vous ne trouverez pas beaucoup de gens favorables à l’État islamique. »

Jack Barnes a opposé la guerre d’indépendance de l’Algérie contre la France au développement du groupe brutal et anti-ouvrier qu’est l’État islamique.

L’État islamique a été construit par d’anciens officiers de l’armée de Saddam Hussein, détruite par l’invasion US de l’Irak, qui se sont joints à une poignée de partisans terroristes d’Al-Qaïda, a dit Jack Barnes.

Les jeunes en Algérie se battaient pour leur indépendance contre l’extrême brutalité française. L’État islamique et ses attaques terroristes n’ont rien à voir avec cela, a-t-il dit. Il ressemble plus au régime meurtrier de Pol Pot au Cambodge dans les années 1970.

« Nous sommes dans une lente, lente dépression, a dit Norton Sandler. Vous ne voyez pas de queues pour obtenir du pain comme dans les années 1930, mais pour les travailleurs ce sont des conditions de dépression et les choses empirent. C’est ce qui motive les travailleurs à aller écouter des candidats comme Donald Trump ou Bernie Sanders, qui disent qu’ils sont différents. C’est pour cela que le Parti socialiste des travailleurs n’a jamais été autant écouté depuis des décennies. »

Les luttes de la classe ouvrière
Le renforcement des luttes de la classe ouvrière fait partie intégrante de la lutte contre l’impérialisme et la guerre, a dit Norton Sandler. « Le SWP cherche à aider à diriger et développer les luttes, à gagner la solidarité et accroître la confiance en soi. Nous faisons partie des grèves des employés des aéroports, de la lutte pour 15 $ de l’heure des travailleurs de la restauration rapide et d’autres employés. Nous faisons partie de la grève des Travailleurs unis de l’automobile contre la double échelle de salaires de la compagnie Kohler, au Wisconsin, de la lutte des Métallos contre le lock-out de 95 jours par Allegheny Technologies et contre les concessions exigées par US Steel et ArcelorMittal. »

Naomi Craine, une dirigeante du parti à New York, présidait la réunion. Elle a présenté plusieurs personnes actives dans les luttes ouvrières et sociales : Denise Barlage, membre de l’organisation OUR Walmart (Organisation unie pour le respect chez Walmart) et qui fait partie d’une délégation en tournée aux États-Unis dans le but de rallier davantage de soutien pour les actions du Black Friday [journée de soldes dans les commerces nord-américains] pour obtenir 15 $ et des emplois à temps plein ; Vonie Long, président de la section 1165 du syndicat des Métallos à Coatesville, en Pennsylvanie, qui lutte contre les demandes de concessions patronales et qui organise le soutien aux travailleurs en lock-out à Allegheny Technologies ; et Ikea Coney, qui est active dans la lutte contre la brutalité policière et dont le fils, Darrin Manning, a été battu par les flics de Philadelphie l’an dernier.

La lutte contre l’antisémitisme et la haine des Juifs est une question brûlante aux États-Unis et partout dans le monde, a ajouté Norton Sandler. « Le Parti socialiste des travailleurs insiste sur le fait qu’Israël a le droit d’exister. Nous soutenons les justes revendications du peuple palestinien contre l’oppression imposée par le gouvernement israélien ainsi que pour un État palestinien contigu. Nous disons que les Juifs de partout dans le monde qui se sentent menacés doivent pouvoir retourner en Israël. »

Osborne Hart, le candidat du Parti socialiste des travailleurs à la mairie de Philadelphie en 2015, a décrit de quelle façon les partisans de la campagne ont représenté la classe ouvrière lors des élections, en se joignant aux piquets de grève et luttes des travailleurs, depuis la défense de la Loi américaine pour les personnes handicapées jusqu’à la lutte contre la brutalité policière. Il a remercié les partisans à New York et ailleurs pour leur aide lors de la campagne électorale et à la campagne de plusieurs semaines pour recueillir près de 3 000 signatures dans les quartiers ouvriers, permettant ainsi d’inscrire Osborne Hart et John Staggs au scrutin électoral pour le conseil municipal.

Depuis l’élection du 3 novembre, Osborne Hart, John Staggs et les partisans du SWP ont participé aux actions du 10 novembre pour la lutte pour 15 $ de l’heure, à la grève des travailleurs des aéroports et à la manifestation des travailleurs des communications contre les demandes de concession de Verizon, a-t-il dit.

« Nous préconisons l’action politique indépendante, la formation d’un parti ouvrier basé sur les syndicats, a indiqué Osborne Hart, et nous cherchons à renforcer la confiance en soi et la capacité de reconnaître ceux qui sont nos alliés et ceux qui ne le sont pas. »

Une exposition spéciale de photos mettait en évidence les faits marquants de la campagne électorale à Philadelphie, y compris plusieurs articles de journaux sur la campagne d’Osborne Hart et de John Staggs.

La construction d’un mouvement international
« Notre perspective est de construire un mouvement communiste international de partis comme le SWP, » a affirmé Steve Clark, un dirigeant du SWP à New York qui faisait partie du panel des orateurs. Notre parti frère, le Parti socialiste des travailleurs [HVK] d’Iran, avait été forgé par les mobilisations de masse en Iran en 1978 contre le régime brutal et anti ouvrier du shah, soutenu par les États-Unis.

« Le HVK en Iran était une organisation de communistes recrutés et formés par le SWP aux États-Unis, a dit Steve Clark. C’était, à l’instar de son homologue américain, un parti imprégné et inspiré par les leçons et l’exemple de la révolution cubaine. »

Steve Clark a décrit la participation du HVK iranien dans le soulèvement massif de février 1979 qui a renversé le shah, dans la mise sur pied des comités d’usines et des quartiers et dans le combat, les armes à la main, contre l’invasion de l’Iran par le régime irakien de Saddam [Hussein] en 1980. Le HVK iranien a été pratiquement la seule voix en défense de la lutte de libération des Kurdes en Iran, en Turquie, en Syrie et en Irak, ainsi qu’en défense des autres nationalités opprimées. Il a pris part aux grèves dans l’industrie pétrolière de la région arabe autour d’Ispahan et aux manifestations pour les droits des femmes. Le HVK s’était aussi présenté à l’élection présidentielle de l’Iran en 1980.

« Ce parti a donné un exemple du genre de campagne et du genre de voix pour la classe ouvrière et les opprimés que la campagne électorale du SWP 2016 peut apporter, » a ajouté Steve Clark.

La contre-révolution des années 1980 en Iran n’a pas écrasé la classe ouvrière ni éteint la voix du communisme, a-t-il dit. La maison d’édition Talaye Porsoo a publié plus de 40 livres de Pathfinder en langue persane et elle a vendu plus de 50 000 exemplaires de livres contenant une perspective communiste en Iran et dans l’ensemble de la région, y compris en Afghanistan et dans les régions kurdes.

Des bénévoles avaient préparé un délicieux repas pour la réunion publique. Une collecte a permis de recueillir presque 9 000 $ pour construire le parti.

Norton Sandler a annoncé que le bureau de la campagne présidentielle du Parti socialiste des travailleurs 2016 sera situé dans les locaux de New York.

❖  ❖  ❖
Vol. 79/No. 44      December 7, 2015


(front page)
New York meeting: ‘Join fight against US war drive’

BY MAGGIE TROWE

NEW YORK — The Socialist Workers Party is carrying out a communist campaign against imperialism and war, New York SWP organizer Norton Sandler told a special meeting at the party’s new hall here Nov. 21. The meeting came on the heels of escalating war moves in the Middle East by imperialist rulers in Washington, Paris and elsewhere, intertwined with assaults on workers and political rights at home.
“Communists Campaign Against U.S. War Drive: Protest Cop Spying on Muslims and Mosques,” read the banner behind the speakers, a course to combat the rulers’ efforts to take advantage of reactionary terror assaults by Islamic State in France to attack the working class. More than 90 people attended the meeting.

“As-Salaam-Alaikum,” Sandler said. “That’s what SWP National Secretary Jack Barnes said when he spoke at a big party-sponsored meeting shortly after the Sept. 11, 2001, al-Qaeda-organized attacks on the World Trade Center and the Pentagon.”

In their assault on our class, the rulers’ biggest target then, and now, is the section of the working class who are Muslims and Arabs, Sandler said. “Communists know the rights of the working class are what is always at stake when the capitalist rulers go to war.”

And the drive to war is being ramped up, Sandler said, in Washington, Paris and other imperialist capitals.

You see more soldiers and cops in Penn Station and Grand Central Station, he said. And the Bill de Blasio administration in New York is adding 560 counterterrorism intelligence cops to what is already a larger force than most countries have.

“The New York Socialist Workers Party plans to visit mosques and Muslim communities, get to know people and lend our support,” he said to applause. “I invite anyone who would like to join in to see me and sign up.”

“After Sept. 11 we discussed how the rulers and their government would try to make it sound like a classless ‘we’ made up the U.S. populace,” he said. “The same thing is developing in the wake of the murderous attack in Paris.”

The French legislature voted overwhelmingly to impose and extend a far-reaching state of emergency that gives cops more sweeping powers and guts political rights, Sandler said. There have been hundreds of raids inside France, with no warrant required. The French capitalist government wants to reinforce anti-working-class statutes, passed during French imperialism’s bloody but failed fight against the Algerian liberation struggle in the 1950s and ’60s, that allow for far-reaching spying and stripping citizenship from those named as terrorists.

The meeting featured debate on several questions. One participant said it was her opinion that the reactionary, terrorist Islamic State was growing and asked what was its attraction for young people and workers.

Islamic State attracts few youth
“I don’t think they attract many at all,” said Barnes, speaking from the audience. “There are millions and millions of Muslims and Arabs in France. Only a miniscule number are attracted to Islamic State. Go and sell the Militant at mosques and neighborhoods around them. You won’t find many favorable to Islamic State.”
Barnes contrasted the Algerian war for independence from France to the development of the brutal anti-working-class Islamic State.

IS was built by former officers from Saddam Hussein’s army — broken up by the U.S. invasion of Iraq — who merged with a handful of al-Qaeda terror adherents, Barnes said.

Young people in Algeria were fighting for their independence against extreme French brutality. Islamic State and its terror attacks has nothing to do with that, he said. It’s more like the murderous Pol Pot regime in Cambodia in the 1970s.

“We’re in a slow, slow depression,” Sandler said, “You don’t have bread lines like the 1930s, but it is depression conditions for working people and things are getting worse. That’s what motivates workers to go hear candidates like Donald Trump or Bernie Sanders, who say they’re something different, and why the Socialist Workers Party gets more of a hearing than in decades.”

Working-class struggles
Strengthening working-class struggles is part and parcel of the fight against imperialism and war, Sandler said. “The SWP tries to help lead and expand the struggles, win solidarity and increase confidence. We are part of strikes by airport workers, the fight for $15 an hour by fast-food and other workers. We are part of the United Auto Workers striking against two-tier wages at Kohler Co. in Wisconsin, the fight of Steelworkers against the 95-day lockout by Allegheny Technologies and against U.S. Steel and ArcelorMittal’s concession demands.”
Naomi Craine, a leader of the party in New York, chaired the meeting. She introduced several people active in labor and social struggles — Denise Barlage, a member of OUR Walmart (Organization United for Respect at Walmart), who is part of a delegation touring the U.S. to build support for Black Friday actions calling for $15 and full-time hours; Vonie Long, president of United Steelworkers Local 1165 in Coatesville, Pennsylvania, that is fighting concession demands from the bosses and organizing support for locked-out workers at Allegheny Technologies Inc.; and Ikea Coney, who has been active in the fight against police brutality and whose son Darrin Manning was beaten by Philadelphia cops last year.

The fight against anti-Semitism and Jew-hatred is a burning question in the U.S. and the world, Sandler said. “The Socialist Workers Party insists that Israel has the right to exist. We support the just demands of the Palestinian people against oppression by the Israeli government and their demand for a contiguous Palestinian state. We say that Jews from anywhere in the world who feel under attack must be able to return to Israel.”

Osborne Hart, Socialist Workers Party candidate for mayor of Philadelphia in 2015, described how campaigners spoke for the working class in the election, joining in workers’ pickets and struggles, from defense of the Americans with Disabilities Act to the fight against police brutality. He thanked supporters in New York and elsewhere for their help campaigning there and in the several-week effort to collect nearly 3,000 signatures in workers districts to put Hart and John Staggs for City Council on the ballot.

Since the Nov. 3 election Hart, Staggs and SWP supporters have been part of the Nov. 10 Fight for $15 actions, the airport workers’ strike and the Communications Workers protest against Verizon’s concession demands,” he said.

“We advocate independent political action, the formation of a labor party based on the unions,” Hart said, “and we help build confidence and consciousness of who are our allies and who are not.”

A special display at the meeting featured highlights of the Philadelphia campaign, including considerable press coverage Hart and Staggs received.

Building an international movement
“Our perspective is to build a communist world movement of parties like the SWP,” said Steve Clark, a leader of SWP in New York and member of the speakers’ panel. Our sister party, the Socialist Workers Party of Iran, was forged there through the mass mobilizations in 1978 against the brutal anti-working-class regime of the U.S.-backed Shah.
“The SWP in Iran was an organization of communists recruited and trained in the U.S., in the SWP here,” Clark said. “It was, like its U.S. counterpart, a party imbued and inspired by the lessons and example of the Cuban Revolution.”

Clark described how the Iranian SWP took part in the massive uprising in February 1979 that toppled the Shah, set up workers councils in factories and neighborhoods and fought, arms in hand, against the invasion of Iran by Saddam’s Iraqi regime in 1980. The Iranian SWP was virtually the only voice in defense of the Kurdish liberation struggle in Iran, Turkey, Syria and Iraq, and in defense of other oppressed nationalities. It took part in oil strikes in the Arab region around Isfahan and in demonstrations for women’s rights. The SWP ran for president of Iran in 1980, and was on the ballot.

“That party set an example of the kind of campaign, the kind of voice for the working class and oppressed that the SWP 2016 campaign can be,” Clark said.

The 1980s counterrevolution in Iran didn’t crush the working class or silence the voice of communism, he said. The Talaye Porsoo publishing house has produced more than 40 Pathfinder titles in Farsi and sold more than 50,000 copies of books with a communist perspective in Iran and the broader region, including in Afghanistan and Kurdish regions.

Volunteers prepared a delicious meal for the meeting. A collection raised nearly $9,000 to build the party.

The New York hall, Sandler announced, will be the headquarters of the Socialist Workers Party 2016 presidential campaign.

Cafe de Flore, Paris Princeton PAAF Thanksgiving 24-11 which I missed

j'ai manque le dîner a 43 euros avec les princetoniens du PAAF, mais le jour avant Thanksgiving, j'ai eu ce commentaire dans le nouveau Charlie Hebdo du 25 nov. pour me donner une idee des femmes de Princeton maintenant--etudiantes pour lesquelles nous avons fait grève symbolique pour que cette université ne soit plus ségrégée par sexe

Philippe Lançon a Princeton: "Pendant le debat, les Unes de Charlie étaient projetées sur un grand écran --depuis celle de Cabu en 2006 jusqu’à celle de Coco la semaine passée, cette victime trouée de balles que le talent de mon amie a transformée en mannequin a champagne -- en fontaine de plaisir et de jouvence." ILS ONT LES ARMES.  ON LES EMMERDE. ...ON A LE CHAMPAGNE

...A la fin, une Américaine est venue me voir, souriante.  Elle m'a dit qu'il était a la fois difficile et indispensable de rire de ces horreurs, qu'on sentait dans la Une de Coco l'effort du trait pour échapper au désespoir.  La lutte pour la civilisation ne peut malheureusement pas se résumer a une bouteille de champagne, m'a-t-elle dit.  Non, ai-je répondu, et personne ne le croit, mais c'est un bon début.

C'est une coïncidence curieuse, mais le même jour je suis allé a 84 Boulevard Ney, Metro Porte de Clignancouts ligne 4 de la Préfecture de Paris, Cite,pour me renseigner sur l'echange de permis de conduire.  C'est la aussi l'endroit pour la carte de séjour pour les étudiants étrangers.

De mon apartment from my apartment

Les toits de Paris

Einstein Cafe Berlin : de mon apartment

retour d'Allemagne...correction du slogan, " ...les frontieres": doit être "soyons tous  dans des syndiques d'ouvriers et construisons des centres, des logements, des ecoles, etc. pour tous 

Sport -Fishawi, Cairo

Un Érythréen sur le tour de France! Enfin un coureur pas dopé ...mais bien entraîné

Charlie Hebdo No 1199, 15 juillet

Et le 21 en montant le col vers Gap il était le septième!

 a Louvre, et Gaugin peintures d'ancêtres 

Fishawi, Jeddah - Fishawi Cairo

Ah, les saoudiens, pourquoi ils attaquent le Yemen? Ce pression des intégristes (et leur philosophie anti-Shi'a, créé par Lord Cromer, régent de l'Egypte et "The Talisman" de Sir Walter Scott) pèse sur le gouvernement saoudien et le FORCE d'etre anti Shi'a , et ainsi, le pression integriste fait en sorte que L'ArabieSaoudite devienne, elle meme,  un soutien a EI et les Frères Musulmans, leur pires ennemies.

Shati Tea and Falafel Shop, Gaza

"Que ces fripouilles lisent des romans!"
Charlie Hebdo 15juillet, 2015 No. 1199

ma vente sur e-bay fr

"J'ai toujours trouvé plus de substance politique -- plus de pensée, mais aussi plus de coeur -- dans Dostoievski, dans Kafka, dans Parec, dans Beckett ou dans Tarkos (le plus grand poète français de ces vingt dernières années) que dans les débats radiophoniques organises pour ces fripouilles désemparees qu'on appelle des politiciens" Papier Buvard, Yannick Haenel, p13

fishawi, Jeddah

The Khalifate...Da'esh claims it is restoring the Khlifate, as if it is doing one of the continuing--to this day!-- PhD theses at Oxford, or Princeton on the decline of the Ottoman Empire.  Piiful result of decades of efforts by pro-Israeli professors to show that medieval Islam was anti-religious minorities, misinterpreting the position of "dhimmis" to be a stigma in the societies of medieval Islam as awful as the stigma towards Jews under national-socialism of Hitler.
  From the PhD theses at Princeton, Oxford and Harvard under the perverted leadership of people like Bernard Lewis, studying the restoring the Khalifate and the position of the 'dhimmis"--oh, how I hate that word and the distorted a picture of an Islam (which gave FULL rights not only to its religious minorities, but also to the western trading communities which formed enclaves in the middle east during the Crusades) which it connotes!--the idea of the restoration of the Khalifate goes right into the US military, who gave a big boost to the idea as a way protect Exxon Mobil oil from the religious take-over of the great Mosque of Mecca in Saudi Arabia in--when?--1979, shortly after the Iranian revolution.  Since 1979, the US funded the Bin Laden group to put pressure on the Soviets to leave Afghanistan, and later invaded Iraq at the request of, and with the financing of, Saudi Arabia, all the time re-inforcing a version of the Princeton-Oxford-Harvard PhD theses on the Khalifate.

Fishawi, Jeddah Ma'rib dam bombed by Saudi Air Force Tribe (Brig. General Assiri--is that the tribe? Assiri?

Who has taken over the governmet in Saudi Arabia, the mutawwa'?  The new king must be the direct opposite of King Abdulla and totally under the influence of the conservatives in the Air Force tribes.

From my apartment من شقتي Les "3 religions" polititiques

الاسلام هو الدين يعاكس الاثر قظف الرأس المال
la religion d'Islam est la religion qui reflet le plus la saletée du capitalisme.

Voir la destruction total de tout culture pour l'achat, l'achat, la mode, dans les grands surfaces.
ولذلك الاسلامية السياسية تدمر كل الثقافة لكي يشجع الشراء الشراء "المود والخ في السواق ال حديثة مثل Galleries Lafayette ou Nordstrom

Cafe de Flore, Paris - Dora Bruder

copie collee du Monde des Livres, jeudi 4 juin, 2014
@Denis Cosnard

Patrick Modiano commence à exceller dans l’exercice qui semblait le moins fait pour lui : le discours officiel. Six mois après son texte très marquant de réception du prix Nobel à Stockholm, l’écrivain a de nouveau fait surgir l’émotion, lundi 1er juin, lors de l’inauguration de la promenade Dora Bruder, dans le 18e arrondissement de Paris.
Lire aussi : Modiano, jour de gloire à Stockholm
Devant une petite assemblée d’élus parisiens, de membres de la famille de Dora Bruder, de représentants du monde juif et d’écoliers, Modiano a trouvé les mots simples et justes pour faire revivre l’espace d’un instant cette jeune fille déportée à Auschwitz en septembre 1942.
Cette fugueuse de seize ans, qu’il a arrachée à l’oubli et à l’anonymat dans le plus poignant de ses livres, intitulé sobrement Dora Bruder (Gallimard, 1997), était une fille du quartier, a-t-il rappelé. « Ses parents se sont mariés à la mairie du 18e, elle est allée à l’école dont nous pouvons voir la façade, elle a fréquenté une autre école un peu plus haut sur la butte, elle a vécu avec ses parents rue Lamarck, boulevard Ornano », a souligné le romancier. Ses grands-parents habitaient « à quelques mètres de nous ».
Lire aussi : A Paris, une promenade Dora-Bruder en mémoire des victimes du nazisme
Déportée parce que juive
Une adolescente comme tant d’autres, en somme. En quelques phrases, le Prix Nobel a campé le décor. « Là où nous sommes, elle jouait avec un de ses cousins, et là aussi sans doute vers quinze ans elle donnait des rendez-vous », a-t-il dit de sa voix douce.
« Les soirs d’été où les jeunes gens restaient tard sous les platanes du terre-plein à prendre le frais sur les bancs, elle a écouté les airs de guitare de ceux qu’on appelait les Gitans et dont plusieurs familles vivaient ici, parmi lesquelles la famille du musicien Django Reinhardt. Pour Dora et pour les enfants du quartier, ce terre-plein était un terrain de jeux qu’ils appelaient le talus. »

En savoir plus sur http://www.lemonde.fr/culture/article/2015/06/01/patrick-modiano-dora-bruder-devient-un-symbole_4644883_3246.html#lUJOcsggmIA5oRJT.99

La suite de l’histoire est beaucoup moins joyeuse. A la suite d’une fugue, Dora Bruder est arrêtée, et envoyée à Auschwitz. Déportée parce que juive. Son père et sa mère connaîtront le même sort.
« Elle représente la mémoire de milliers d’enfant »
Aujourd’hui, « Dora Bruder devient un symbole, a déclaré Modiano. Elle représente désormais dans la mémoire de la ville les milliers d’enfants et d’adolescents qui sont partis de France pour être assassinés à Auschwitz, celles et ceux dont Serge Klarsfeld, dans son livre  Memorial [Le mémorial des enfants juifs déportés de France, FFDJF, 1994] a rassemblé inlassablement les photos pour qu’on puisse connaître leurs visages. »
L’inauguration d’un lieu à son nom est une façon de faire pièce aux souhaits des nazis, qui voulaient faire disparaître Dora Bruder et ses semblables, et effacer jusqu’à leurs noms. « Je crois que c’est la première fois qu’une adolescente qui était une anonyme est inscrite pour toujours dans la géographie parisienne », a noté Patrick Modiano.

En savoir plus sur http://www.lemonde.fr/culture/article/2015/06/01/patrick-modiano-dora-bruder-devient-un-symbole_4644883_3246.html#lUJOcsggmIA5oRJT.99

Après l’écrivain, la maire de Paris Anne Hidalgo s’est chargée de donner un sens plus politique à cette inauguration. En janvier 2015, soixante-dix ans après la fin de la seconde guerre mondiale, des juifs ont de nouveau été assassinés à Paris pour ce qu’ils étaient, a-t-elle rappelé, en évoquant la tuerie de l’Hyper-Casher.
« Soixante-dix ans après, on a de nouveau entendu “Mort aux juifs !” » D’où l’importance à ses yeux de comprendre le passé et de « conjurer l’oubli »,comme l’a si bien fait Modiano.


▪ 
▪ Denis Cosnard
cafedeflore.fr

Al Shati' Tea and Falafel Shop (Culture)

تدمر كان لها الشحرة
شارلي هبدو رقم ١١٩٢ ٢٧ مايو ٢٠١٥
مالف: ريسس

Palmyre, ca avait de la Gueule

Shat'i Tea and Falafel Shop, Gaza

La cite syrienne de Palmyre aux mains de l'Etat islamique 22 mai 2015 Le Monde vendredi

C'est non seulement "l'Etat Islamique" qui tue l'histoire mais aussi la dite "réforme" de l'Education--coupant le grec, le latin, et l'allemand.
هو ليست فقت "الدولة الاسمامية التي تقتل التريخ بل و ايضا ال"اصلاح التعليم كما يقولون بالقتع تعليم اللغة اليونانية، اللاتينية و الالمانية

Cafe de Flore - Jeunes femmes rouges toujours plus belles

Naomi Craine. "We happy few" qui ont eu  l'honneur de la connaitre quand elle etait colleague dans les annees quatre-vingt dis, suivant dans les pas de son pere et sa mere, qui etaient des professeurs- lui des maths.
"Because a revolutionary working-class leadership had been prepared in the Bolshevik Party led by V.I. Lenin, the toilers of Russia won political power, opening a new era for the working class."
The Militant April 27, 2015

http://www.themilitant.com/2015/7915/791550.html

Putin glorifies despotic czars
as examples of Russian pride

BY NAOMI CRAINE
Who your heroes are says a lot. Russian President Vladimir Putin, who appeals to Great Russian chauvinism seeking to boost his regime and its modern-day territorial claims, promotes glorification of the czars and the country’s despotic feudal history. Revolutionary working-class leaders Karl Marx and Frederick Engels accurately described the monarchs who ruled the Russian empire for centuries as “the mainstay of European reaction.” Their rule was overthrown by the historic working-class-led revolution in 1917.
A recent blockbuster exhibition staged in Moscow and St. Petersburg by the Russian Military-Historical Society celebrated the medieval dynasty of the 16th century czar known as Ivan the Terrible. Mirroring current Kremlin propaganda, the show’s theme was that Russia has suffered attacks from the west for centuries and been forced to mount wars of conquest to defend itself against foreign opponents. It depicted Ivan, infamous for brutality, as were many rulers of his epoch, as a victim of slander and sanctions from abroad.

The Military-Historical Society was founded three years ago by Russian Minister of Culture Vladimir Medinsky, in cooperation with Russia’s defense ministry. Its other exhibits include a March 2015 show of paintings celebrating Moscow’s annexation of Crimea from Ukraine the year before. Putin has urged the society to promote “patriotism and the sacred duty of defending our homeland, national dignity and loyalty to our roots.”

Reactionary history of czarism
In looking to promote an image of imperial Russia besieged by foreign enemies, Putin harkens back to the 1800s when Russia’s rulers were the organizers of reactionary forces in Europe, seeking to destroy democratic and revolutionary threats and extend their feudal empire. Marx and Engels wrote often to urge revolutionaries across Europe to organize to meet this threat. Their views are summed up in “The Foreign Policy of Russian Tsardom,” an 1890 article by Engels.
“The Empire of the Tsar is the mainstay of European reaction, its last fortified position and its great reserve army,” Engels wrote. He explained the role of foreign conquest in maintaining czardom at home, saying, “To the Jingo public the fame of victory, the conquests following on conquests, the might and glamour of Tsardom, far outweigh all sins, all despotism, all injustice, and all wanton oppression.”

Engels details how the Russian rulers pontificated on liberal principles to pursue diplomatic intrigue and wars of conquest. They proclaimed Russia’s “duty to protect the oppressed Greek Church and downtrodden Slavs … under the name of ‘freeing the oppressed’” to justify continuous assaults in Crimea against Turkey in search of an outlet to the Black Sea.

In eastern Europe, the czars talked piously of the “Principle of Nationalities” to justify seizing chunks of Poland and what are today Belarus and Ukraine, Engels said.

Engels’ depiction of Czar Nicholas I, who gained the throne in 1825, sounds eerily like Putin: “A conceited mediocrity, whose horizon never exceeded that of a company officer, a man who mistook brutality for energy, and obstinacy in caprice for strength of will, who prized beyond everything the mere show of power.”

The czars targeted every advance of the bourgeois democratic revolution in Europe — from the French Revolution of 1789 to the revolutionary upsurge that shook Europe in 1848, in which Marx and Engels were participants.

Engels describes how Russia’s defeat in the Crimean War in 1853-56 spelled the beginning of the end for czarism, whose course “is possible only in a country where, and so long as, the people remain absolutely passive, have no will other than that of the Government, no mission but to furnish soldiers and taxes.”

“The war had proved that Russia needed railways, steam engines, modern industry, even on purely military grounds,” Engels wrote. “And thus the government set about breeding a Russian capitalist class. But such a class cannot exist without a proletariat, a class of wage-workers, and in order to procure the elements for this, the so-called emancipation of the peasants had to be taken in hand.”

‘Revolution in Russia can stop war’
Engels pointed to the conflicts already drawing the capitalist powers of Europe toward a continent-wide war, including the German annexation of the French territory of Alsace-Lorraine and Moscow’s plans to capture what is now the Turkish city of Istanbul. At the same time Europe was increasingly marked by “the struggle in all countries, ever growing fiercer, between the Proletariat and the Bourgeoisie,” he said.
The “danger of a general war will disappear on the day when a change of things in Russia will allow the Russian people to blot out, at a stroke, the traditional policy of conquest of its Tsars, and to turn its attention to its own internal vital interests,” Engels wrote. That is why the working class in Western Europe is “very deeply interested in the triumph of the Russian Revolutionary Party, and in the overthrow of the Tsar’s absolutism. Europe is gliding … towards the abyss of a general war, a war of hitherto unheard-of extent and ferocity. Only one thing can stop it — a change of system in Russia.”

In fact it was in midst of the slaughter of World War I that the Russian toilers and democratic forces were able to “blot out, at a stroke” the czar and his imperial designs. Because a revolutionary working-class leadership had been prepared in the Bolshevik Party led by V.I. Lenin, the toilers of Russia won political power, opening a new era for the working class.

Under this revolutionary leadership the toilers began to take on the legacy of capitalism and imperialism, including combating national chauvinism and championing the rights of the peoples that had been oppressed within the czarist “prison house of nations.”

These gains and the revolutionary perspectives they provided workers and farmers worldwide were overthrown in a bloody counterrevolution led by Joseph Stalin in the late 1920s. Stalin, like Putin, was a fan of Ivan the Terrible. He ordered the destruction of books on the reactionary history of czardom and personally edited their replacements, presenting Ivan as a unique and progressive ruler who sought to turn Russian despotism into a great world power.

It is the political legacy of Marx, Engels and the 1917 revolution in Russia, not the record of czarism, that stands as an example that working people in Russia and throughout the world can draw strength and inspiration from. It’s an example that Putin wholeheartedly rejects and would like to wipe out of history.

Cafe de Flore faiblesse oblige

Gallantrie, notes d'Alain Finkielkraut, L'identite malheureuse, Stock 2013:

David Hume: .. de meme serait-il absolument inexcusable que je ne m'adresse point, avec un respect particulier, au beau sexe qui regne sur l'empire de la conversation 

La France deMme Rambouillet de Mme de Lambert ...de Mme Necker

voir aussi, Fumaroli, Marc. L'age de l'eloquence

Voici, copié et collé, tous mes notes des citations sur LA GALLANTRIE, dans Alain Finkeilkraut:


Fathi Benslama, Declaration d’insoumission a l’usage des musulmans et a ceux qui ne le sont pas.

…dit qu’il s’agit par moyen de la voile, d’occulter “les signes maléfiques de la seduction et la sedition” dont, selon la version la plus active et la plus combattive de l’islam, le corps féminin est porteur. p.54

Claude Habib, Galanterie française, “L’interdiction prend sens si on la met en relation avec les pratiques de mixité dans l’ensemble de la société.  Elle devient comprehensible si on la rapporte a cet arrière-plan de la tradition galante qui presuppose une visibilité du féminin, et plus precisement une visibilité heureuse, une joie d’être visible—celle-la meme que certaines jeunes filles musulmanes ne peuvent ou ne veullent plus arborer.” p.53-4

Baltasar Gracian, L’Homme de cour, traduit par Amelot de La Houssaye: “Un brave homme doit se piquer d’être tel que si la galanterie, la générosité et la fidélité se perdaient dans le monde, elles se retrouveraient dans son coeur.” Il va sans dire que les qualités emmures par Gracian englobent la courtoisie et les égards envers les femmes: faiblesse oblige. (Finkielkraut) p.55-6

C’est David Hume qui a le mieux saisi ce paradoxe fondateur du savoir-vivre: “…Comme la nature a donne a l’homme la supériorité sur la femme, en lui conférant une plus grande force de corps et d’esprit, il lui revient de compenser autant que possible cet avantage par la générosité de son comportment et par une complaisance et une deference marquees envers toutes les inclinations et les opinions du beau sexe.” La, nous dit Hume, reside le critère discriminant de la civilisation: “Les nations barbares affichent la supériorité de l’homme en réduisant les femmes a l’esclavage le plus abject:  elles sont enfermées, battues, vendues ou tuées. Tandis que dans une nation polie, le sexe masculin manifest son autorité de manière plus généreuse, mais non moins marquee, par la civilité, le respect, la complaisance:  en un mot, la galanterie.” p.56-57

…Hume:’..de meme serait-il absolument inexcusable que je ne m’adresse point, avec un respect particulier, au beau sexe qui règne en souverain sur l’empire de la conversation”

La France de Mme de Rambouillet, de Mme de Lambert, de Mme de Tencin, de Mme Geoffrin, de Mme du Deffand, de Mlle de Lespinass, de Mme d’Epinay et Mme Necker, cette France des salons dont Edith Wharton dira, a la fin de la Premiere Guerre mondiale, qu’elle fut “La meilleur école d’expression et d’idées qu’ait connue le monde moderne” car elle reposait sur “la croyance qu’il n’y a pas de conversation plus stimulante qu’entre hommes et femmes intelligents qui s’y fréquentaient assez régulièrement pour avoir une relation d’amitié franche et aisée.” p.58

Moliere, Le Sicilien ou l’Amour peintre: “l”on doit demeurer d’accord que les Français ont quelque chose en eux de poli, de galant que n’ont point les autres nations.”  E Hume, au siècle suivant, proclame la France “pays des femmes”. p.62

et puis Rifa’a al-Tahtawi a paris 1826-1831: les homes “se mettent sous le commandement des femmes, qu’elles soient jolies ou non”.

S’IL N’Y A D’AFFAIRE DU VOILE QU’EN FRANCE POURTANT, C’EST B IEN PARCE QUE LA FRANCE N’EN A PAS TOUT A FAIT FINI AVEC LA TRADITION GALANTE. (Finkielkraut) p. 61

Joan Scott, auteur de La Politique du voile, oubliant la grande leçon de Simone de Beauvoir “on ne nait pas femme, oncle devient”

filme de Jean-Paul Lilienfeld, La journée de la jupe


“Jeunes femmes rouges toujours plus belles” lisait-on sur un mur du grand hall de la faculté de médecine. (Finkielkraut) p.77
Saint-Juste:  “Chez les peuples vraiment libres, les femmes sont libres et adorées.”
“Assez d’actes,des mots” ’68
Finkielkraut, Alain, L’identité malheureuse, Stock 2013

Cafe de Flore, Paris

Tous commentaire sur la gallantrie seront du Cafe de Flore
كل مقال عن المجاملات سوف يكون من مقهة الفل،ر، باريس

Bernard Maris, dans un petit livre qui vient de paraitre, a un chapitre sur la gallantrie.
Il a donnee le manuscript de ce livre au editeurs le 2 janvier, et il a ete assassinee le 11 janvier.

برنارد ماريس في كتييت نشر عن قريبن كتب قسم عن السلوك المجاملة
اعطى مختتة الكتاب الى الناشر ٢ يناير والارهابون قتلاه ١١يناير و هو في مكتبة شارلى هبدو

Bernard Maris, in a little book which just published, has a chaper on gallantry.
He had given the manuscript for the book to the editor on the 2 january and the two terrorists killed him January 11 in the offices of Charlie Hebdo

Shati' Tea and Falafel Shop "deep origins of Eastern Culture" notes sur un livre de grammaire arabe-semetique

لما ندرس اللغة العربية من الدروري ان نبتدى باللغات اليونانية، الارامية، الفارسسية، الامهدجية الالسومرية والعكادية

Première leçon les alphabets tous les alphabets sont incorporés dans la langue arabe et dans sa littérature. Mots de vocabulaire dans ses alphabets existent toujours dans la langue et litterature arabe. Dans l'introduction a l'alphabet araméen, par exemple, nous pouvons trouver des phrases du latin et du grec de Seneque des cyniques de Tyberiade. Et il y avait d'autres alphabets qui sont entrés dans la littérature arabe, par exemple, l'alphabet grec avec les références de l'Anabasis de Xenophon .

Cafe de Flore, Paris (citation de "A la manivelle," Charlie Hebdo 1182, 18mars 2015

The minister for the rights of women, who suggested that the veil not be worn in French universities, was criticised by a group of students on Face Book.   An "On the gear-stick," "A la manivelle," article by ....,  in Charlie Hebdo pointed out how the students stifle debate on the subject and concludes with this summary: (Arabic and English translation by 3011)



Debate on wearing the veil at universities, which are places of learning and not of belief, is indispensable.  For what we now know today, and which is verified each day by experience, is that the veil embodies much less a religious conviction than a political and societal agenda for which the consideration of its real measure is long overdue.

مناقشة لبس الحجاب في جامعة، مكان العلم و لا الايمان،من الضروري جداً. من ما نعرف اليوم، والذي يوضّهه كل يوم ، جدابالخبرة ان الحجاب هو يجسد اقل معنويا بالدين و لاكن اكثر معمويا بجدول سياسي واجتماعي الذي لا بد منا ان نفكر عن قياسه منذ زمان

...Débattre du port du voile a l'université, qui est lieu de savoir et non de croyance, est indispensable. Car ce que l'on sait aujourd'hui, ce qui est chaque jour verifiable par l'experience, c'est que le voile incarne moins une conviction religieuse qu'un agenda politique et sociétal dont il serait temps de prendre la veritable mesure...(A La Manivelle, Gérard Biard)

From my apartment (all articles political shall be from my apartment)

De Marx, mode d'emploi de Daniel Ben Said, illustre par Charb

C'est pour illustrer le tactique des camarades de Rouge, de dissoudre

la partie communiste dans le "Partie anti-capitaliste," en se souvenant que

Marx et Engels ont quitte l'association des travailleurs apres qu'il n'a servi a 

rien apres la commune.  Ben Said martelle la theorie de revolution permanente,

trouvant analogie avec la lutte de Trotsky quand il virait meme un peu trop a

gauche pour conter Staline.  Mais c'est adorable le facon que Charb illustre les va

et viens de Besancenot, qui a pris le relais de Rouge apres Krevine.

Cafe de Flore, Paris (Syria's next generation, BBC Magazine March 12, 2015

Syria's next generation, BBC Magazine March 12, 2015

Tous articles sur la galanterie viendront de Cafe de Flore, Paris.  Ceci est un article sur une femme Syrienne-americaine qui a fait des etudes de "resoudre les conflits" conflict studies a George Mason Univsersity, en Virginie, et puis est allé essayer de faire des foyers de paix pour les enfants refugiés de Syrie, en Jordanie, et près de Jerash!

All articles on gallantry will be from Cafe de Flore, Paris.  This is an article about a Syrian-American woman who studied "conflict resolution" at George Mason University, Virginia, and then went to try to found peace workshops for refugee children from Syria, in Jordan, and near Jerash.

12 March 2015 Last updated at 02:14 GMT

Syria's next generation

To combat the values of groups like IS and a regime that doesn't represent them, a group of young Syrians tries to pass its values of non-violence, pluralism and hope to Syrian children. They see them not as a lost generation, but the country's next generation, reports Lauren Gelfond Feldinger.

Three years after Syrian intelligence ransacked her Damascus home, Felicie Dhont stares through the window of a bus driving north in Jordan, rubbing her six-month pregnant belly.

The 23-year-old smiles, watching olive trees, wheat fields and wild red poppies whizz by, reminiscent of the nearby Syrian countryside she loved before the war reduced so much of it to rubble. "Syria, ah, Syria!" she says, pointing to a green sign directing drivers to the now-closed border-crossing.

Jordan's border towns are as close as Dhont is going to get to Syria for what could be a long time. Since the 2011 uprising and subsequent army crackdown - when a journalist staying in her family home was picked up, jailed and tortured - her stomach has been feeling "like this," she says, wringing her hands. A 20-year-old student at the time, she never again slept in the home she grew up in. As a critic of Syria's government on social media and in cafes, she didn't stop looking over her shoulder until, finally, she left the friend's house where she was staying to resettle in Egypt. Weeks before her first child is due, dreams of raising a family in Syria remain on hold.

After travelling 500km alone from Cairo to Amman, and joining volunteers on the way to work with Syrian refugee children, she is filled with anticipation. "This is the first happy thing to happen in years and I want to share my love of Syrians with him," Dhont says, pointing to her abdomen.

Around us, the chartered bus echoes with laughter and a buzz of Arabic and English. Half is filled with Syrians - refugees, displaced persons, expatriates and some still living in Syria - who seem nothing like the haggard exiles and survivors pictured in the news. These 20- and 30-something students, artists, musicians, activists, bankers and executives could easily blend with hip graduate students or young professionals in many countries. But behind a veneer of cheerful banter or quiet grace, despair about the tragedy in Syria is carefully tucked away. The war has turned us into "crocodiles", several of them explain, using the Syrian-Arabic expression for stoic, or someone numb to pain.

Still, joining this expedition, while the violence of Syrian forces, Islamic State (IS) jihadists and other militants nearby devastates their homeland, they are starting to feel hopeful.

Each has taken a holiday from work, studies or personal life. Instead of heading to beach resorts or cosmopolitan capitals, they are travelling at their own expense to the very places their wealth and education has allowed them to avoid: the disadvantaged refugee neighbourhoods just beyond Syria's border. They see the non-violent revolution as frozen in Syria but continuing there.

As analysts debate military options and humanitarian organisations distribute aid, they are focusing on a long-term aim: transforming the hopes and values of refugee children, based on methods used in post-conflict societies. If exposing young people to optimism and respect for diversity, civic participation and non-violence has had a positive influence in such places as Bosnia, Kosovo, Ireland, Rwanda and South Africa, could it also, eventually, help Syria? To combat the values of groups like IS and a regime that doesn't represent them, they are betting it could: teaching Syrian refugee children they have a future and the power to shape it can influence Syria in the next generation, they say. Meanwhile, their short-term goal is simple: making child survivors of war smile.

Sitting in front of the bus, Nousha Kabawat, looks up from her planning. Born in Canada to Syrian parents, Kabawat grew up from the age of six in Damascus, where her extended family has lived in its ancestral courtyard-home for two centuries. Like the other Syrians, she has disconnected much of her emotion from the news as a survival technique. Yet the make-up of this volunteer crew has caught all of them off guard. They are touched, wowed even, that non-Syrians from Europe, and as far as the US and Canada are investing time and money to help Syrian children. Seeing the bus filled with volunteers from around the world wearing the "Amal ou Salam" ("Hope and Peace") T-shirt of the organisation she founded a year earlier, a lump comes to Kabawat's throat.

"It's overwhelming. I'm 24 and all these people trust me enough to come from every country," she says, running her gold Syria-map pendant through her fingers. "This is turning into a network of people with the same values, connecting."

The previous day, Kabawat had swept into an Amman conference room like a gust of wind. Training the volunteers, she waved her hands in hyperkinetic circles and jumped on to a table in leopard-skin yoga leggings, crossing her legs underneath her into a pretzel. A "Free Syria" tattoo inked in Arabic on her upper back was hidden, for the moment, under an open denim shirt.

Kabawat doesn't typically cover her forearms or long hair when in the Middle East, and not only because it isn't her style. Ideologically, she wants to remind the Arab world that there always were multiple cultural norms and ways that Arab women of all backgrounds dressed, before Syria and the region became increasingly conservative. She especially wants the children who grow up under the influence of extremist militants such as IS to be exposed to diversity. In Kabawat's youth, skipping through the side streets of Damascus, being modest meant wearing short sleeves instead of sleeveless shirts. When guards at a displaced persons camp in Syria once ordered Kabawat and her female volunteers to cover their hair before entering, she refused and went elsewhere. "That would be defeating the whole purpose," she says. Today Kabawat doesn't take volunteers into Syria but holds the memories of her Syrian childhood close as she works with Syrian children in Turkey, Iraq, Lebanon and Jordan.

The Syrian children we will meet have lost their homes, are likely to have lost loved ones and may be singing war chants and drawing revolutionary flags, dead bodies and bombs, Kabawat told the volunteers. "We want them to step out of this. Project Amal ou Salam is very un-political. I'm strict and insist you take it seriously."

With most of the Syrians and Jordanians knowing reasonable to fluent English from childhoods in exclusive private schools, Kabawat continued primarily in English. A smattering of Arabic reverberated around the room, as everyone translated for each other.

Redirecting the energy, songs, conversations, drawings, behaviour and mood of the children so that they will feel they have something to look forward to requires easy adjustments, she explained. "We want to focus on positive things." For example, a question about the future: "After the conflict is over we have to rebuild Syria - what do we need?"

Five daily workshops she designed relate to child-friendly conflict resolution theories:

• arts and crafts use urban-planning tools to redesign destroyed neighbourhoods after the war, working with neighbours of all religions and backgrounds to meet everyone's needs
• photography teaches multiple perspectives
• music encompasses music-therapy techniques to soothe, and basic music theory to teach that diverse people who never studied instruments can work together to create one beat
• sports and team-building show that working together creates more success, strength and trust

She summed up with a wink: "Cemeteries no, rainbows yes."

Kabawat honed her theories while earning a Master's degree in conflict resolution in the US, focusing on peacebuilding in post-war societies. Afterwards, in 2013, she found children in a Syrian camp bored and mimicking the language of anger, violence and sectarianism around them. Relief efforts helped with physical needs, but she started imagining a volunteer-led programme to feed the children's self-esteem and character. Consulting conflict resolution experts, primarily at George Mason University in Virginia where she had studied, she planned a programme of travelling workshops to feel like summer camps. Without a background in business, fundraising or management, she used a web campaign and social media to fundraise and recruit volunteers.

After quickly raising $7,500 for a pilot project, she went in summer 2013 to Turkey with seven volunteers to work with 400 children and then to Lebanon to work with 100. As she had no overheads or salaries to pay, and overseas volunteers paid for their own travel and hotels, the money went on art supplies, rented spaces, food and buses.

When I meet up with the group in Jordan in 2014, she has raised $25,000 and recruited 33 volunteers to work with 1,000 refugee children. She has also started sending supplies to Syrian schools. Her dream, she says, is to "eventually reach hundreds of thousands of children".

Kabawat, young, female and Arab, represents a new generation of conflict resolution leaders in a field traditionally led by older men. With her frenetic energy, charisma and banter, she is easy to imagine not long ago as a tough, popular high school student. But talking one-on-one, she is sombre.

"As Syrians, we've aged so much in the past year it feels like four," she says, leaning her head and rubbing her eyes, as if to scrub away the tragedies she reads about daily from contacts back home.

"Children," she says, "are the only hope now left for Syria."

Meeting the children

The bus pulls up to the gate of a spotless state-run orphanage that Kabawat has rented in the hills of Irbid. Jordan's second largest city hosts about 140,000 refugees, though all we see in the near distance are dry grassy hills, except for a villa, surrounded by Bedouin shacks. Black-and-white sheep graze around them. The orphanage facade, like all the schools and many buildings in Jordan down to some falafel shops, boasts mammoth posters of King Abdullah II and the late King Hussein.

Inside the gated courtyard surrounded by sandstone walls, it is quiet until the buses rented by Kabawat pull up and 200 six-to-13-year-olds pour in.

Syrian activists estimate that at least 200,000 people have been killed in Syria since 2011 and nearly half the pre-war population of 23 million has been displaced internally or to neighbouring states. Despite the news focus on refugee camps, 84% of the 631,000 Syrian refugees in Jordan live in host communities, according to the UN. About half are children, many of whom are not schooled.

Three years before we arrive, they were just a few kilometres away on the other side of the border. They would have heard about other children close to their age in Dera'a, who had scrawled graffiti calling for the fall of the regime. The government jailed and tortured the children and mocked the desperation of their parents. Non-violent protesters chanting "hurriyeh" (freedom) and "karama" (dignity) were met with tear gas, arrests and torture. Syrian forces, IS, the Nusra Front and multiple militias have long since rolled over the non-violent revolution.

To meet the child survivors, we have woken at 6am in Amman to arrive by 8am. A sea of smiles and clean, colourful outfits stare back at us. The kids have fled ravaged districts that look like scenes from Europe at the end of World War Two, yet their traumas are not immediately obvious. A volunteer whispers that several have hearing aids, a result of explosion-induced hearing loss.

A photography workshop, with sheep in the background

Many of the boys have black eyes. James Gordon, a US-based psychiatrist, abruptly comes to mind. He has worked in war zones from Bosnia and Kosovo to Gaza and Israel and in such disaster zones as Louisiana after Hurricane Katrina and Haiti after the 2010 earthquake. Everywhere, he told me when I interviewed him in Jerusalem two years ago, he found the same results: survivors of war and disaster often beat their children.

The powerlessness they feel, coupled with traumatic memories and harrowing losses, often lead them to impulsive, violent behaviour they later regret.

Children, he said, are at multiple risk because they often have their own post-traumatic stress, which can cause them to express themselves more violently. They model themselves on the way the adults around them deal with anger, and they often become victims of adults and children who lose their tempers. But there was hope, Gordon emphasised: the tendency towards violence and hopelessness that follow traumatic events can be quickly assuaged if those affected learn optimism, self-expression, and ways to calm their nervous systems. I look around and wonder.

Scooby doo

Cheers ricochet around the courtyard. As the children line up according to age, and - at their request - gender, the volunteers distribute team-colour string bracelets, juice and cheese pies, while leading "positive" chants.

Over the week, we see that many of the kids love to raise their hands into the V-sign for victory and chant "Down with Assad!" and "May the regime fall!" But Kabawat instructs the volunteers to teach forward-thinking cheers unrelated to war, violence or revolution.

"Yom Salam" ("Day of peace!") shouts Scooby, a Syrian volunteer.

The children follow her lead. "Day of peace! Day of peace!" they scream, raising fists into the air.

Scooby, wearing a clown's red nose, tells them that they don't have to stay forever in Jordan, they can go back to Syria after the war. They can also be part of the rebuilding of Syria one day, she says. Later, she will also drum into them that to be good people and rebuild a peaceful Syria they do not need to resort to violence, lying or cheating. Then, she usually cracks a joke.

The goofiness disguises Scooby's own memories, winding her way through Syria's smashed neighbourhoods to bring aid to the hungry, injured and raped. Now, because she comes from a wealthy family, she can also afford to travel to countries hosting refugee children. Visiting, cheering them up and giving them moral messages are not only acts of charity, she argues, it also prevents the children from "becoming terrorists".

"If you don't give them the right learning they don't know the difference between right and wrong," she says.

"Nobody smiles for them, nobody visits them. No-one gives them hope. Their parents don't have hope, house, food, job, money to go back - they have nothing to give. They are not learning. They will become mean.

"Nobody says, 'Don't worry you'll go back to your home one day.' They say, 'Sorry you don't have a home.' All these things crash on them.

"We tell them, 'You will be someone.' The hope we are selling in this project is everything."

But helping suffering Syrians is seen as treason that can "get a bullet in my body", she says, explaining why her real name and country of residence must not be published.

Switching off her overwhelming recollections, she settles easily into the role of whacky camp counsellor as she raises the megaphone. "We will rebuild Syria! We will rebuild Syria with peace!"

"We will rebuild Syria with peace!" they mimic.

Then in English, she roars her namesake cheer: "Scooby Dooby Doo, I love you!"

The children don't know who Scooby Doo is, but they like the way it sounds. They all know what "I love you" means.

They begin chanting over and over, in English: "Scooby Dooby Doooooooo, I love you! I loooooovee yooooouuuuu!"

The children are laughing. Everyone is laughing.

Rebuilding after war

R, a 29-year-old Syrian graphic designer helps run the arts and crafts workshops. Piles of coloured paper, glue sticks, tape, scissors, markers and decorations dot the tables.

Some of the children draw suns, trees, clouds and houses. Others draw aircraft dropping bombs. One girl draws a heart with an eye inside. It's not clear if the eye is crying or bleeding.

R continues the mantra that they can go home after the war. "Eventually we will go back to our homeland," he says. "What do we need to rebuild it?"

He tries not to give them all the answers, to get them thinking. "I assume they get enough food and clothes, but they also need to play, to be creative… arts, interaction with people, music… to have their opinions asked - the opportunity to do something," he says.

The children draw and shape construction paper into new houses. "Who here has lost a home?" R asks.

"My house was demolished in a bombing."

"My school was destroyed."

"The hospital was demolished."

"The military is living in my house."

They brainstorm, what else does a neighbourhood need besides homes? "Where will you play?" R asks.

Some draw parks and playgrounds. A girl designs a butterfly park. They lose themselves drafting neighbourhood gardens.

"What else does a city need to function?" R asks.

Eventually, hospitals, schools and airports start to take shape, with sugar paper as walls and coloured balls as bushes or patients. A boy named Hamad draws a new school, naming it Hope and Peace, after the programme.

Another boy, who had been crying that he didn't know how to draw but who was encouraged to try anyway, has found a roll of blue tape and is drawing roads with it. R tickles and encourages him.

Then a child draws an airport with fighter jets, without realising that military symbols are against camp rules. After R explains that airports are for seeing the world and visiting neighbours, the boy scribbles over the jets. But then he draws a tank.

"No," R says. "We are designing a non-violent city." The boy designates the vehicle as a tank of peace and safety.

"But why a tank?"

"This is the time to protect peace," he says.

A Jordanian boy, Thaksin, eight, who goes to school with Syrian refugees and has joined the group, draws a conversation.

"Did you know peace is useful?" one figure asks. "Yes, I know," the other boy in the picture replies.

"What is the drawing about?"

"Jordan and Syria," he says.

R plugs his iPod into mini-speakers. White paper is pinned to the wall as R instructs the kids to draw lines in every direction. Electronic house music bangs against the walls. Volunteers dance with their arms.

Smiling, a boy draws a pink sun. A girl creates flowers. As R encourages them to let the music come through their hands without thought, they begin scribbling and jumping with the music.

Everyone is scrawling wildly. A boy with a black eye starts laughing.

"I really find hope in them," R says afterwards. "After the war we're going to have to work together, even if one side wins. Only united we'll make a difference. Already today the kids feel they are all in this together and this will show that someone is actually thinking of them."

He holds his head in his hands then puts on his designer sunglasses and heads out for a smoke.

A few kilometres away, IS would soon outlaw the teaching of art and crafts, music and sports.

The playing field

Outside, volunteers blow whistles to begin the sports workshop. A young girl runs to the side, screaming, and curls into a ball, crying. Volunteers race to comfort her, explaining that the whistle is not dangerous and just signals that the games are starting.

Anum Malik, a 21-year-old international development student at George Washington University in Washington DC, notices a boy with a striped sweater looking nervous.

Eight-year-old Ammar, beneath his jeans and long sleeves, she realises, is wearing a prosthetic leg and is missing an arm from a bombing in Dera'a. "Everything is going to be fine," Malik whispers, smiling. He stands in the circle and the girl next to him holds on to his hanging sleeve.

Later, Kabawat sees Ammar playing and tears up. "I saw him having such an awesome time. I was so happy to be able to give him this… I'm so moved by these kids."

At the end of the day, Ammar's eyes also well with tears as the kids pile on to rented buses.

Another 20 squish themselves into a jalopy van. Most of them practically fall out the windows to wave goodbye, but one boy stares back, looking devastated.

He watches from the window until we can't see them any more.

Inside the bag he and the others take home, a keepsake card reminds: "Your education is your weapon."

No politics, no religion?

On the fourth day, we head north from Amman, past Jerash, one of the world's best-preserved Roman-era ruins and Jordan's second most popular tourist destination. When we reach Kitteh, a mountain village in the Jerash district, the landscape feels isolated from visitors and time. Olive trees blanket the quiet hills.

It's starkly different from the other refugee neighbourhoods we visited in Irbid and Mafraq. Kitteh hosts hundreds of Syrian refugees, but has no proper school. The Mukhtar, the village leader, organises 200 Syrian children from surrounding villages to come to the immaculate, white concrete compound around his office. They arrive chanting anti-regime songs, raising their fingers into the victory sign, and shouting "Allahu Akhbar," God is great.

Children who say they are seven look five. The five-year-olds look three. The older ones, who have done much of their growing up before the war, look stronger, but squatting against the wall, Mahmud, 10, holds his head in his hands because he is hungry. As volunteers fetch food, a boy with green eyes reports that they woke at 5am to be on time for this visit. We wonder if they have had play activities or visitors since fleeing Syria.

As the temperature passes 30C (86F), many of the kids still wear jackets and sweaters. A little girl runs, wearing a man's full-length leather coat. I gesture to the boy standing next to me to remove the fleece coat over his T-shirt. His friend points to the sun and wags his finger, "No". Volunteers pour water into everyone's mouths without touching lips and poke holes in the caps to use them as sprinklers.

Kabawat ducks into a small lean-to draped in red, blue, green and white swirled-fabric. Cracking open sunflower seeds with her teeth to snack on, she watches the children - the youngest, most impoverished and traumatised we've met. Here and there, even some of their shoes are crumbling. If they can't learn about the deeper messages of values, Kabawat says, at least they can be given laughter, play and attention.

These Syrian children have had such a different childhood from hers and not just because of war and poverty, she says. Growing up in the 80s and 90s in Damascus, "We never had sectarian issues."

Kabawat, from a Christian family, was best friends with Muslim and Christian children. "We never said, 'He's Muslim, he's Christian,' we'd say, 'He's from Damascus, he's from Aleppo,'" she says.

She wasn't allowed to ask about a person's religion. When I ask her why not, she furrows her eyebrows. "Because it didn't matter."

Kabawat's family, always hosting people from diverse backgrounds, had a huge influence on her. Syrian society, though, referred to Jews and Israelis as "the enemy," she says. As a teenager, talking to someone at the US Embassy in Damascus, her eyes opened with curiosity when she heard about a camp for Israeli, Palestinian, Jordanian and Egyptian teenagers, with Americans in the role of third-party mediators. Though she belonged to none of those countries, she hounded the Seeds of Peace admissions board. "I was always rebellious and it was against Syrian law to go anywhere with the intention to meet Israelis, but I wanted to know beyond what I was living - that it was taboo had a lot to do with it," she says.

"I told them if I have this experience, it'd build positive relations between Israel and Syria," Kabawat says. "My parents approved - it being about tolerance and acceptance - but said I couldn't tell anyone."

There, "with the American delegation, I was the Arab. A lot of Palestinians didn't speak English and the Americans didn't speak Arabic. I realised it was something I was meant to do - to connect people… I realised I was good at explaining different perspectives, getting one to see the other's point of view.

"The point of peace [groups] is to break stereotypes. In Syria you grow up thinking Jews are your enemy and you talk to them and realise that the enemy has a face and common interests and is just like you, but from a different country... The Jews also told me we [Syrians/Arabs] are the enemies, so I was saying how the Israeli and Palestinian girls were shaving their legs together, realising we're all humans with no differences."

Obviously there were serious political disagreements. "When you're in dialogue you fight it out, but when you leave the room, you have to co-exist, you share the room, sink, food, which I appreciate because not everything is political. It's something we can learn in Syria. We can argue about politics but at the end of the day we live together which is the point of this whole week."

Years later, studying conflict resolution, she travelled to Egypt where she was thrilled to find a Syria tent in Cairo's Tahrir Square. When Syrians there started asking her what religion she was and making generalisations about which religious streams support the regime, she felt outraged and isolated. On one hand, the outside world didn't know or care enough about the slaughter in Syria, she felt. On the other hand, Syrians themselves were fighting about religion, while in fact people of every religion were suffering traumatic losses, she says.

But she had an epiphany. The non-violent revolution could not work now inside Syria, but it could work with refugee children, to create a generation with different values.

When she got back to the US, she got her tattoo.

Peace flag

Getting this message of a "free Syria" across to children who grew up during a war with a sectarian divide has not been easy.

Syrian censuses have not included religion or ethnicity, but experts estimate that 75-85% of Syrians are Muslims - primarily Arab Sunni but also Kurdish Sunni, Arab Alawite Shiite, Arab Druze and Arab Ismaeli. About 10-15% of Syrians are Christians, including Christian Orthodox Arabs, Armenian Orthodox, Catholic and Assyrian. Christians and other small minorities (Jewish, Circassian and Turkmen) are protected with freedom of religion under Syria's 1973 constitution, though the country's leader can only be Muslim.

Some Sunni Muslims have always seen Alawite Shiite Muslims as unorthodox, yet the various religions and sects enjoyed relatively good relations in the years before the war - something the child refugees may not know or remember.

By the time we meet them, many have been convinced that all Shiite Muslims - and, often, Christians - are responsible for their tragedy, and it comes up in the workshops.

Many children build mosques in the rebuild your neighbourhood workshop, but "most kids feel rage" when asked to also build a church, says R.

One afternoon, two girls push each other after one insists on building a church and the other snaps that church-goers are heretics. When Muslim and Christian volunteers explain that neighbours should work together in unity and not blame whole populations for a few, the girls, in this case, end up building two churches - next to the mosque.

When the children are assigned to design a new Syrian flag - "peace flag" - many of them grab green, red and black markers to draw the revolutionary flags, representing the opposition to Assad. Workshop leaders end up confiscating red, green and black markers.

"No Syrian Army flag. No Revolutionary flag!" R calls out. "We are the future now. Let's dream we are in the future and building a new country. It's peaceful, let's design a flag for the new era."

Soon their flags boast rainbows, plants, animals, people of all colours, and everywhere, in English and Arabic, the word "love".

R is one of the only Syrians who makes it through the week without welling up. But by the backdrop of the colourful swirls of the tent, he pulls me over to show me a drawing made by a small girl in a pink coat. Tukar, smiling up at me, proudly shows me her picture of a helicopter dropping bombs on a bleeding house. Flowers grow around it.

"Why did you draw that?" he asks.

"I saw my aunt's house bombed… she's dead," Tukar says.

He can't shake this image from his mind.

La La Land

Syrian musician Shadi, 34, pulls his long black curly hair into a ponytail and straps on his guitar. He stomps around the music workshop in baggy jeans and sneakers, using his arms and legs as instruments. Many of the children have never seen or heard a guitar nor had a music lesson. "Yaay - ya yay - yaaaa! Wooo! Ha ha ha ha!" He sings while strumming, opening his eyes wide, as he makes his way around the circle.

Dhont, hugging her belly, joins Syrian and international volunteers circling the room, singing along.

A performer known around Jordan and Syria for his Arabic rock, folk and Sufi-inspired singing and playing, Shadi teaches music and rhythm, while using elements from music therapy. The kids stamp feet and clap hands.

Since Shadi fled Damascus, where he had studied opera at the Conservatory of Music, he is fed-up hearing Syrian refugee children in Jordan sing revolutionary songs. "I don't want them to keep singing these stupid, heavy, insulting, cursing, lyrics. Their parents are angry and it becomes their language. I want to take them back to their childhood and remind them that they don't have to care about this stuff. That's why a lot of the sounds I use are without lyrics so that they can sing [without thinking]," he says.

"Music is the language of peace. When you add lyrics it becomes a message."

At the end of each workshop Shadi makes an exception. "I sing this song for everyone," he says of the Arabic folk song Helwa Ya Baladi.

"It is a national song without hate and without being special to any country or people. It's just, 'I miss my homeland; I'm dreaming about going back; we're going to go back to our home.'"

Penned in 1979 by the late Egyptian-born diva, Dalida, the song remains popular across the Arabic-speaking world.

As Shadi plays one morning, Kabawat wanders in, singing and clapping. Surrounded by Syrian children singing of dreams to return to their beautiful homeland, she turns her head, sobbing.

In steamy and disadvantaged Kitteh, where the younger children seem more traumatised, Shadi adds a meditation exercise to the music workshop.

"Breathe in... hold your breath," he says to the kids seated on the Mukhtar's porch. "Now let your breath and all your worries go out of your body and send it some place very far away."

"Where to?" a small girl asks.

"Send it to jehannam [hell]" he says, smiling.

"Ahhh!" the children reply, laughing.

"To calm, this is what they need," Shadi says, on the patio later. "Children need to play and stop the mind."

Looking around at the olive trees dotting the surrounding hills, Shadi also breathes in deeply.

"The landscape is exactly the same as in Syria," says Dhont, slumped in a chair besides him. "I feel like I'm in Syria, where we used to go for a picnic."

Shadi nods.

For a few minutes, they stare ahead, silent and cheerful.

It is the end of the week and no-one but Dhont has slept more than a few hours a night. The previous night, after saying goodnight to her, we stayed singing and dancing until a few hours before waking-up time, to hear Shadi perform in a small Amman club. His voice is shot from a week of singing by day and night, but he wants to tell me something else.

"We don't want them to go back to kill or get revenge," he says. "It's so great what we do, saying, 'We are going to rebuild' - It's not violent, religious or nationalistic."

Heading Home

At the end of the last day, Scooby's group tells her to go back to Syria as a leader to make peace.

"We're going together - Syrians, Jordanians, people from all over the world - we're going back to rebuild Syria," she says.

"Will we see you in the next government?" a boy asks.

"No," she says, laughing. "I will always be with the people."

"No," some of the kids joke back. "We will look for your name when we grow up and bring you to be in the government."

They hug her, give her sweets and follow her and the other volunteers around. When she explains that it was Nousha Kabawat who was responsible for the programme, they chant, "Nousha, Nousha, Nousha!"

"Thank you and please bring everyone back, OK?"

"See you, inshallah [god willing], soon," Scooby says.

A little boy replies: "See you in Syria."

"They will remember us," Scooby says on the bus back to Amman, impressed that this boy had internalised the message that he can go back after the war and doesn't have to be a refugee forever.

"I met a man once who remembered for his whole life the people that had visited him when he was in a camp."

But can such a short programme really change them, after all they have been through?

"For sure," Scooby replies. "There are a lot of small things that make a difference, like the butterfly effect. The butterfly is changing the air with her wings. Even a smile is a huge thing."

She shapes her hands into a butterfly and stares me in the eyes. "In each one is a monster. If you leave it to grow, it will grow."

She is terrified the children will join groups like IS one day.

"Everyone looks for short-term solutions. OK - we have fed them. All their lives they will ask for food.

"And if you teach them how to be good - if you smile, touch, give gifts, hopes - it will make a big difference [helping them] not to be someone who kills."

"It does not even take a week" to change them, she insists. It takes "one second".

Further back in the bus, Kabawat and the Arabic-speakers are singing Arabic songs, dancing and clapping in the aisles again. Later, the younger volunteers will go out once more. It feels like a celebration, except that the war and the child survivors they have said goodbye to are heavy in everyone's thoughts.

Kabawat pauses for a moment to calculate how many kids she can reach on the next trip.

"As a Syrian it hurts me so much to [know] about kids so traumatised, who will eventually lead Syria. They grew up with a lot of corruption and mixed values. You can easily instil in them the positive values we want to see in our Syria. This is our time to come together to create the Syria we want to see," she says.

As song circulates the bus, Dhont is tired from running around all week, six months pregnant. She rests her head back in her seat, rubbing her swollen belly. Looking out at the landscape that has reminded her of the home and people she misses, she reflects on how this volunteer work is one of the most important things she has done in her 23 years.

She closes her eyes, picturing the children she met and dreaming of the child she will soon have - "the future of Syria," she thinks to herself.

Dhont was unable to volunteer at the last camps in Turkey and Lebanon while nursing her new son, Rakan - Arabic for "Knight." The group is now fundraising for their next camp in March and supplies for schools in Syria, Turkey and Jordan. Lauren Gelfond Feldinger's research was supported by the Pulitzer Center on Crisis Reporting.

Unless otherwise indicated, all pictures are taken by Lauren Gelfond Feldinger (@laurengelfond)

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